Category: Crime

  • The Killing of Benjamín Medrano: Mexico’s First Openly Gay Mayor Murdered in Jalisco

    The Killing of Benjamín Medrano: Mexico’s First Openly Gay Mayor Murdered in Jalisco

    Mayor
    Benjamín Medrano Quezada was fatally shot in Guadalajara on July 7, 2026. He was 59. Authorities are investigating the killing, but no arrests have been made. 

    The Attack in Guadalajara

    On the night of July 7, Benjamín Medrano Quezada, the former mayor of Fresnillo, Zacatecas, and the first openly gay mayor in Mexico’s history, was shot and killed inside an ice cream shop in Guadalajara, Jalisco. 

    The 59-year-old politician had been living in Guadalajara after leaving his home state of Zacatecas, where he faced a criminal investigation for alleged fraud amounting to more than 60 million pesos. His death marked a violent end to a political career that had broken barriers and generated controversy in equal measure.

    According to security sources and official reports, the attack occurred at the intersection of Cintra Street and Experiencia Avenue in the Santa Elena de la Cruz neighborhood of Guadalajara. Medrano was inside a paletería when a heavyset man wearing a helmet entered the establishment and fired directly at him.

    The gunman shot Medrano multiple times, primarily in the face and head, before fleeing on a motorcycle with an accomplice who had been waiting outside. A 17-year-old boy who was with Medrano at the time of the attack was not injured.

    Emergency responders arrived at the scene but could only confirm that the former mayor had already died from a gunshot wound to the head. 

    The body was transferred to the Jalisco Institute of Forensic Sciences, where it remained unidentified for approximately two days because Medrano was not carrying identification at the time of the attack. His sister eventually identified the remains on July 9.

    A Historic Political Career

    A series of political achievements and legal entanglements marked Medrano’s life. Born on August 16, 1966, in Nochistlán de Mejía, Zacatecas, he earned a law degree from the Autonomous University of Zacatecas. He served as a local deputy in the Zacatecas Congress from 2010 to 2013, where he chaired the Finance Commission.

    In 2013, he was elected mayor of Fresnillo as a candidate for the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), a position he held until 2015. He subsequently served as a federal deputy from 2015 to 2018. Medrano made history as the first openly gay mayor in Mexico, a distinction that brought both national attention and personal scrutiny.

    He publicly declared his homosexuality in 2016 during a legislative debate on same-sex marriage, when he was serving on the Constitutional Points Commission of the federal Congress. Beyond politics, he was also a businessman and a singer who recorded three studio albums. He owned a bar catering to the LGBT+ community in Fresnillo.

    Legal Troubles and Fraud Allegations

    However, Medrano’s later years were overshadowed by legal troubles. In 2022, the Zacatecas Secretariat of Public Function filed a criminal complaint against him with the state Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office. The investigation centered on his tenure as president of the board of the National Fair of Zacatecas (Fenaza) in 2019, during the administration of Governor Alejandro Tello.

    Prosecutors alleged that financial irregularities in the management of public funds had resulted in a loss of more than 60 million pesos to the treasury, reportedly linked to a canceled Ricky Martin concert. A warrant was issued for Medrano’s arrest, and he fled Zacatecas, living in various parts of Mexico and the United States.

    However, in 2025, a court ordered the revocation of the arrest warrant, and Medrano’s family characterized the case as political persecution. At the time of his death, authorities confirmed that there was no active arrest warrant against him, though the investigation remained open.

    Ongoing Investigation and Aftermath

    The killing of Benjamín Medrano has drawn attention to the persistent dangers faced by public officials in Mexico, particularly those from states plagued by organized crime and political violence. His murder, carried out in a crowded commercial establishment in broad daylight, underscores the brazen nature of the violence that has come to characterize parts of the country.

    While Medrano’s death occurred in Guadalajara, far from the conflict zones of Zacatecas, the circumstances of his killing remain unclear. Authorities have not established whether the attack was connected to his legal troubles, his political history, or other motives. The investigation continues, and Medrano’s brother, Juan Carlos Medrano Quezada, has called on both Jalisco state authorities and the federal government to conduct a thorough inquiry.

    Medrano’s remains were returned to his hometown of Nochistlán, Zacatecas, for a private burial. His death leaves open questions about the safety of former public officials and the ongoing struggle against impunity in cases involving political figures. The lack of arrests in the days following the attack has only deepened concerns among local observers about the capacity of state institutions to solve high-profile murders.

  • Why El Chapo Wants to Serve His Sentence in Mexico Rather than the US

    Why El Chapo Wants to Serve His Sentence in Mexico Rather than the US

    Chapo
    Convicted Sinaloa cartel leader Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman is again trying to leave his United States prison, this time by asking a New York court to contact Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum about his possible transfer to Mexico. 

    During the past week, Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman sent a handwritten letter from the ADX Florence supermax prison in Colorado to the Federal Court for the Eastern District of New York. In the letter, his thirteenth such communication, he requested that judicial authorities reach out to President Sheinbaum’s office to explore options for him to finish his sentence in his home country.

    Guzman has been serving a life sentence since his 2019 conviction on drug trafficking, money laundering, organized crime, and firearms charges. His current facility, known as the “Alcatraz of the Rockies,” is one of the strictest prisons in the world. Inmates spend 23 hours a day in solitary confinement inside small concrete cells measuring roughly seven by twelve feet.

    Guzman has a history of escaping from Mexican prisons. In 2001, he was smuggled out of a prison in Jalisco, reportedly hidden in a laundry cart pushed by maintenance workers he had bribed. In 2015, he escaped from the Altiplano maximum security prison through a mile-long tunnel equipped with lighting and ventilation, using a motorcycle modified to run on rails. 

    That escape was considered a major embarrassment for the Mexican government. In 2016, he was recaptured and extradited to the United States the following year.

    Even if Guzman did not plan another escape, a transfer to Mexico would likely make his detention much more comfortable. 

    In many Mexican prisons, inmates can bribe guards for privileges, and drug cartels often control facilities through corruption and intimidation. A 2012 report from Mexico’s National Human Rights Commission found that 65 of the country’s 101 most populated prisons were under the control of convicts. 

    One prison was found to have sex workers, large plasma screen televisions, and drugs available for inmates. In contrast, at ADX Florence, Guzman is isolated in a concrete cell with minimal human contact, has only one hour of exercise per day, and has complained of headaches, lack of clean air, depression, memory loss, and discrimination for not receiving legal documents in Spanish.

    This is not Guzman’s first request to be returned to Mexico. In April 2025, he sent a handwritten letter in English to the same federal court, asking the district judge to respect his rights and send him back to his country. 

    Judge Brian Cogan rejected that petition along with four other letters sent around the same time, stating that some of the documents “lack meaning and none of them have legal validity,” and dismissing all of them. In his most recent letter, Guzman repeated his claims of rights violations during his extradition process and added that the violence attributed to his cartel was actually the responsibility of the Mexican government during that period. He wrote, “The supposed violence was unfair regarding my sentence, when the Mexican government did all the deaths, and I was blamed for trying to protect my life and my family in Mexico.”

    His letter also asked for family visits to be restored and questioned his living conditions, arguing that basic principles of equality and rights should be respected for all incarcerated people. He thanked Judge Brian M. Cogan for considering his health in future appeals, though his previous requests have all been dismissed. So far, neither the Mexican presidency nor U.S. judicial authorities have publicly responded to the request outlined in the letter.

    Who is El Chapo?

    Joaquin Archivaldo Guzman Loera was born in the 1950s in La Tuna, a mountain village in Sinaloa, Mexico. 

    Under Guzman’s leadership, the Sinaloa Cartel became one of the most powerful drug trafficking organizations in the world, moving billions of dollars’ worth of cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana across the U.S. border. Forbes magazine estimated his fortune at $1 billion in 2009, and U.S. prosecutors later put the figure at nearly $13 billion. For years, he was considered the world’s most wanted drug lord, known for both his ruthlessness and his ability to evade capture.

  • Cartels Are Forcing Corner Stores to Run Slot Machines

    Cartels Are Forcing Corner Stores to Run Slot Machines

    Walk into a corner store in parts of Michoacán, Guerrero, or Tamaulipas, and you might spot something unexpected next to the candy rack: a blinking slot machine. Chances are, the owner didn’t put it there by choice.

    Photo: Social media

    Criminal organizations across at least 10 Mexican states are forcing small shop owners — corner stores, bakeries, stationery shops, taco stands — to accept and operate illegal slot machines on their premises, according to reporting by El Universal. The machines generate cash for criminal groups and, investigators say, help launder money. The owners who stick with hosting them are, in many cases, unaware they are committing a federal crime.

    Illegal by Law, Imposed by Force

    Mexico’s Federal Law on Games and Raffles, in effect since 1947, flatly prohibits the installation or operation of slot machines in public or private establishments without authorization from the Interior Ministry. In practice, that means virtually all tragamonedas — the nickname Mexicans use for the machines — found in neighborhood stores are operating illegally.

    Michoacán’s state attorney general, Adrián López Solís, said at a press conference in February 2025 that criminal groups are imposing the machines on businesses, including grocery stores, stationery shops, bakeries, and beer depots. Beyond the gambling revenue, he noted, the locations have in some cases also become points of drug retail.

    One business owner interviewed by El Universal said the machines had long been a familiar part of neighborhood life. “The truth is, we didn’t know that having and operating slot machines was a crime,” the owner said. “Many of us grew up going to play them. But I think times have changed.”

    A 427% Jump in Seizures

    Authorities are pushing back, though the scale of the problem dwarfs current enforcement capacity. In Michoacán alone, state security forces seized more than 3,200 slot machines during 2025, up from roughly 2,774 between November 2023 and April 2025. Nationally, seizures jumped 427% between 2024 and 2025, from 309 confiscated machines to 1,629, according to data from the Navy Secretariat.

    States where seizures have been concentrated include Sinaloa, Michoacán, Nayarit, Sonora, and Veracruz, but authorities have also documented confiscations in Zacatecas, Coahuila, Tamaulipas, Guerrero, Jalisco, and more than a dozen others.

    Michoacán Gov. Alfredo Ramírez Bedolla has said the machines represent a steady revenue stream for criminal organizations and a direct threat to neighborhood safety. He has urged municipal police forces not to look the other way. “This is a totally illegal activity,” he said, calling it a risk for communities where the machines are installed.

    Extortion’s Wider Grip on Small Business

    The slot-machine scheme is one variant of a much broader assault on small commerce. Mexico’s employers’ association Coparmex has estimated that extortion cost businesses roughly US$1.3 billion in 2023, and the problem has continued to grow. Nationally, reported extortion cases rose 10% in the first quarter of 2025 compared to the same period the prior year.

    Security analyst David Saucedo has noted that the Sinaloa and Jalisco New Generation cartels have made extortion a core part of their criminal operations. Small-time criminal groups, meanwhile, exploit the climate of fear by running their own shakedowns — sometimes falsely claiming cartel affiliation. According to research cited by Animal Político, roughly 4 in 10 small businesses in Mexico face some form of violence or extortion, though many more cases go unreported.

    The cobro de piso — the protection fee cartels charge just to let a business operate — is the most familiar form. But criminal groups have expanded their methods to include forcing stores to stock stolen or counterfeit merchandise, buy goods at inflated prices from cartel-controlled suppliers, and now, host gaming machines that funnel cash back to criminal networks. The slot-machine scheme fits neatly into that playbook.

    What It Means for Business Owners

    For owners caught in the middle, the situation is almost absurd: comply and risk prosecution; refuse and risk violence. One attorney quoted in the original reporting suggested that the government needs to do more outreach — not just enforcement — to alert small business owners that accepting the machines is a crime, and to explain what legal protections exist for those who come forward.

    The tragamonedas caught in seizures are typically destroyed. But with estimates suggesting more than 10,000 machines may still be operating in Michoacán alone, the gap between what authorities can confiscate and what criminal groups can replace remains wide.


    At a Glance

    • Criminal groups in at least 10 Mexican states are forcing small businesses to host illegal slot machines
    • Mexico’s 1947 Federal Law on Games and Raffles bans slot machines without federal authorization
    • Michoacán seized more than 3,200 machines during 2025; national seizures jumped 427% year over year
    • Businesses that refuse face threats of violence; those that comply risk criminal prosecution
    • The scheme is part of a wider extortion crisis costing Mexican businesses an estimated US$1.3 billion annually
    • States with documented machine seizures include Sinaloa, Michoacán, Nayarit, Sonora, Veracruz, Tamaulipas, Guerrero, Jalisco, and others

    Source: El Universal

  • Mother-in-Law Sought in Baja Beauty Queen’s Murder

    Mother-in-Law Sought in Baja Beauty Queen’s Murder

    The Attorney General’s Office obtained an arrest warrant against Erika María N for the crime of femicide against Carolina Flores—a former beauty queen from Baja California—who was murdered in Polanco on April 15. Photo: Social Media.

    A baby monitor changed everything.

    When Mexico City prosecutors began piecing together the April 14 killing of Carolina Flores Gómez, a 27-year-old former beauty queen from Ensenada, Baja California, it was a 60-second apartment security recording that pointed them directly at the suspect: Erika María Herrera, the victim’s own mother-in-law.

    Flores Gómez, who held the Miss Teen Universe Baja California title in 2017, was found face down on the floor of her apartment in Polanco — one of the capital’s most affluent neighborhoods — with 12 gunshot wounds, six to the head and six to the chest. Paramedics who responded to an emergency call the following day confirmed she had been dead for hours.

    The footage, which leaked online and spread widely, captures Flores Gómez walking into a room as Herrera follows close behind. Gunshots and screams follow. Her husband, identified as Alejandro, then appears in the frame and confronts his mother: “What was that? What did you do, Mom?”

    Herrera’s reply, now viral across Mexican social media: “Nothing, she made me mad.”

    The exchange continued. Alejandro told his mother, “She’s my family.” Herrera answered, “You are my family, not hers. You’re mine, she is not.”

    Husband Waited a Day to Call Police

    Alejandro was present in the apartment along with the couple’s 8-month-old son at the time of the shooting. He did not report the killing to police until the next day. Under questioning, he admitted his mother had fired the shots and acknowledged he had let her leave the apartment. He told investigators he delayed because he was trying to act in the baby’s best interest, apparently fearing the infant could be placed in foster care.

    Mexico City prosecutors obtained an arrest warrant for Herrera on femicide charges. According to La Jornada, the search has since been extended nationwide, as authorities believe Herrera may have returned to northern Mexico after fleeing the capital. She reportedly traveled from Ensenada to Mexico City before the killing. Investigators are still searching for the 9mm handgun used in the crime. Baja California Gov. Marina del Pilar Ávila expressed solidarity with the victim’s family and said state authorities are coordinating with Mexico City prosecutors.

    A Case That Cuts Across Class

    The Polanco setting drew its own attention. The building’s security guard reportedly did not hear gunshots, a detail investigators are reviewing.

    But the case quickly became part of a larger conversation about violence against women in Mexico. Just three days after Flores Gómez was killed, Edith Guadalupe Valdés disappeared in Mexico City after leaving home for a job interview. Her family says police demanded money to open a case and asked whether she might have run off with her boyfriend. The family tracked her down themselves to a building in Iztapalapa, where authorities waited until the following day to send agents — and found her body in the basement. Three police officials were later fired for negligence.

    Mexico classifies femicide as a killing in which a woman’s gender is a factor in her death. On average, eight to 10 women are murdered in Mexico every day. The impunity rate for femicide cases sits at 95%.

    Last month, Mexico’s attorney general proposed new federal legislation that would increase penalties for femicide and create a unified criminal standard across all 32 states — a move advocates have pushed for years.

    The Flores Gómez case joins a long list that has brought protesters into the streets. Feminist activists in Mérida have held demonstrations calling for accountability, including a monument unveiled in 2020 to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.

    Case at a Glance

    • Victim: Carolina Flores Gómez, 27, from Ensenada, Baja California; Miss Teen Universe Baja California 2017
    • Date of killing: April 14, 2026
    • Location: Polanco neighborhood, Mexico City
    • Suspect: Erika María Herrera, the victim’s mother-in-law, remains at large; search extended nationwide
    • Charges: Femicide
    • Status: Arrest warrant issued; immigration alert active; 9mm weapon not yet recovered
    • Also investigated: The husband, Alejandro, for failing to report the killing until the following day

    Source: La Jornada, Reporte Índigo, El Financiero, Milenio,