Category: News

The Tren Maya, the flagship infrastructure project of former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador, was built under a legal framework that allowed the federal government to bypass normal market conditions and place thousands of hectares of land under direct military control. 

A report published in June 2026 by México Unido Contra la Delincuencia (MUCD) documents how expropriations carried out for the construction of the railway significantly expanded the real estate holdings under the control of the Mexican Army. 

The mechanism, the report argues, avoided the normal costs and conditions of the land market while causing direct harm to indigenous communities in the region.

The legal pathway for this accumulation of land was paved early. In November 2021, an agreement published in the Official Gazette declared the Tren Maya, or Mayan Train, a matter of national security. 

This designation, issued by the National Public Security Council, had a specific practical effect: it allowed the government to lift definitive suspensions that courts had already granted against the project. 

In one notable case, a federal judge had issued a definitive suspension halting construction on Section 5 of the railway. Instead of contesting the ruling with environmental impact evidence, the government declared the entire project a national security matter, effectively voiding the court order. 

The move was widely criticized. The National Action Party accused the government of using a tramposa maniobra to evade justice and hide the corruption behind the project. UN experts later warned that the change of status did not allow Mexico to elude its international obligations to protect the human rights of affected communities.

With legal obstacles neutralized, the land acquisitions proceeded at scale. The MUCD report documents more than 300 expropriation decrees and public utility declarations transferring ejido and private lands across Chiapas, Tabasco, Campeche, Yucatán, and Quintana Roo. 

Under President Claudia Sheinbaum, new expropriation decrees have been published regularly, affecting ejidos such as Tikuch in Yucatán, where landowners are offered as little as 14 pesos per square meter. In other cases, the government paid 354 pesos per square meter for land in Quintana Roo, demonstrating the wide disparity in valuations.

The land being acquired is not randomly selected. MUCD argues that the government deliberately incorporated strategic territorial extensions before the full added value generated by the railway could be reflected in market prices. 

This means that as the railway raised land values across the peninsula, the state had already secured those parcels at pre-development prices. The benefit, therefore, is not limited to the railway infrastructure itself. It extends to the land beneath stations, operational facilities, hotels, and future commercial projects linked to the rail corridor. Unlike government spending on construction, which is consumed over time, real estate assets remain as long-term holdings. 

The economic reach of the Tren Maya, the report argues, cannot be measured solely by passenger or cargo revenue, but also by the accumulation of territorial assets and infrastructure under the control of the military.

The scale of the expropriation is matched by the volume of ongoing legal challenges. As of 2026, 51 active judicial proceedings are tied to the project. These include 12 lawsuits related to expropriations and environmental matters, three nullity trials over early contract terminations and payment refusals, four agrarian suits filed by peasants demanding land restitution, and 31 labor lawsuits from workers alleging unjustified dismissals.

The social and cultural costs of this land transfer are also significant. For indigenous and ejido communities across the peninsula, land holds not just an economic value but a cultural, historical, and identity-based one. The MUCD report argues that the expropriation scheme allowed the government to incorporate strategic lands before the added value of the railway was fully reflected, meaning communities were compensated at pre-development prices while the state captured the subsequent gains. 

The national security declaration, the expedited expropriations, and the consolidation of military-managed enterprises have produced a new economic reality in the southeast. The question that remains is whether this model of development, built on legal exceptionalism and land transfer at below-market prices, will ultimately serve the public interest or simply enrich a new military-commercial class.
With information from Diario de Yucatán.

With a handful of weeks to go before Mexico’s mandatory cell phone registration deadline on June 30, 2026, registrations are finally starting to tick upward. 

But a significant portion of the population is refusing to comply, citing fears over data privacy and a profound distrust of the government.

The Registro Nacional de Usuarios de Telefonía Móvil (Renaut) requires every mobile phone user to link their SIM card to their CURP (Unique Population Registry Code) and a valid ID – or risk losing service entirely.

As the cut-off approaches, registrations have gradually increased, but the numbers remain troublingly low. As of late May, only about 49.5 million of the country’s estimated 158 million active lines had been registered, a compliance rate of just 31%. 

Other reports put the figure even lower, reporting that only 28.3 million of 161.7 million lines had been processed – barely 17.5 percent of users.

How to Register

For those wishing to register their line, the Mexican government has set up a step-by-step tutorial (in Spanish). The process is simple and requires an INE voters’ card or, for foreigners, a valid passport. 

Because of the rush to register, the websites of several companies, including Telcel and AT&T, have been experiencing technical problems, so getting it done may not work on the first try.

However, after three attempts, if the registration is not completed properly, the system will stop working, forcing a phone reset, the use of another device, or a visit to the mobile carrier’s offices. 

Privacy Fears and a Troubled History

The government claims the registry is a crucial tool to combat extortion and phone fraud, but many Mexicans remain unconvinced. This is not the country’s first attempt at such a measure. A similar database, Renaut, was scrapped in 2011 after it was discovered that user information was being sold in open-air markets. In 2022, the Supreme Court declared a similar biometric registry unconstitutional, citing privacy violations.

Civil liberties groups, such as the Network for Digital Rights (R3D), warn that the new system is still deeply flawed, as security authorities can request data from telecoms without a court order – a dangerous loophole in a nation plagued by corruption and cyberattacks. These fears are not hypothetical. Recent years have seen a series of catastrophic breaches, including a 2022 hack of the Secretariat of National Defense (Sedena) that exposed seven terabytes of classified documents and a 2024 attack on the Presidency’s Legal Counsel that leaked 206 GB of sensitive data.

“There are reports that similar databases have been hacked or sold. So, it is not unreasonable for people to worry that their name, CURP, and cell number could end up in the hands of criminals,” an analyst stated, summarizing the public’s predominant anxiety.

“Time to Revise”: Carlos Slim Weighs In

Adding a powerful voice to the criticism, Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim – whose company América Móvil owns the country’s largest carrier, Telcel – has publicly called for the government to reconsider its strategy. Slim described the registration process as “very complicated” and argued that the deadline is too short, particularly for the prepaid market, which accounts for roughly 80% of all lines.

“I think they should give it a ‘re-study’ to make it more efficient,” Slim said, suggesting the current timeline is unrealistic for millions of users.

Skepticism Regarding Actual Suspensions

The most widespread belief among the unregistered is that the promised service suspension is a bluff. A huge number of Mexicans do not believe that phone companies will follow through on disconnecting their service. 

Many are convinced that a last-minute amnesty will be granted or that the Supreme Court, which has already struck down similar mandates, will step in at the eleventh hour to block the cut-off. 

As of May 2026, authorities maintained that no extension would be granted, but with the deadline looming, many are betting on last-minute political or judicial intervention. The coming weeks will determine whether the government’s security gamble pays off, or if millions of cell phones go silent.

A booking notice from Volaris is drawing attention from foreign residents and frequent flyers in Mexico. A pop-up warning that appears during the airline’s online checkout process states that unaccompanied passengers aged 60 or older may only book nonstop flights or itineraries with a single connection — and that the layover must fall between 2 and 4 hours.

The message reads: “Unaccompanied senior citizens aged 60 or older can only travel on non-stop flights or 1 stop of 2 to 4 hours.”

Several travelers have reported encountering the warning on Volaris’ website and app during the booking process, and screenshots of the pop-up have circulated in expat groups online. Volaris has not issued a public statement about it.

The policy does not appear to be rooted in Mexican aviation law. Mexico’s civil aviation regulations, administered by the Agencia Federal de Aviación Civil (AFAC), address passengers with disabilities, reduced mobility, and medical conditions — but impose no travel restrictions on healthy adults based on age alone. No federal rule requires a person over 60 to fly nonstop or to maintain any minimum connection time.

This is a Volaris policy, not a government one.

The airline does operate a paid assistance program called Volaris te Acompaña — “Volaris Accompanies You” — for passengers over 60 who want help navigating check-in, boarding, and connections. The service is optional, and Volaris’ own website is explicit on that point. It is unavailable for passengers who are not self-sufficient due to conditions such as dementia, Alzheimer’s, or degenerative illness — suggesting the program was designed for travelers who are otherwise capable of traveling independently.

The connection restriction in the booking pop-up appears to be a separate operational rule, one that goes further than the assistance program itself.

Whether the restriction is legally enforceable is unclear, but its logic is not hard to follow. Volaris is a low-cost carrier that operates hundreds of daily flights across Mexico, the United States, and Central America. Tight connections are a common headache. Mexico City’s Benito Juárez International Airport, in particular, is large and congested — the kind of hub where a short layover can become a sprint across terminals. Limiting older solo travelers to more generous connection windows reduces the odds of a missed flight, a stranded passenger, and the complaints that follow.

Still, the threshold has raised eyebrows. Most international airlines use 60, 62, or 65 as the benchmark for senior discounts and special services, not for travel restrictions. In the U.S., Canada, and Europe, it’s routine for people in their 60s to travel alone on complex international itineraries without any airline intervention. Restrictions of the kind Volaris imposes are more commonly associated with unaccompanied children — not with adults who are, by all other measures, fully independent travelers.

Mexico’s legal definition does place 60 as the threshold for “adulto mayor” status — senior citizen — under federal law. Aeroméxico, for instance, uses the same age on its passenger information page. But classification as a senior citizen for benefits purposes is different from being subject to booking restrictions.

For expats and foreign residents who rely on Volaris for connections through Mexico City or Guadalajara, the policy has practical implications. It could mean fewer booking options and higher fares if nonstop flights or suitable layover windows aren’t available on a given route. Travelers planning itineraries through a Volaris hub would be wise to check whether the restriction applies to their specific booking before assuming they have full flexibility.

Volaris did not respond to requests for comment.

For more on getting to and around the region, see flying to Yucatán.

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What to Know

• Volaris restricts solo passengers aged 60+ to nonstop flights or connections with a layover of 2 to 4 hours
• The restriction appears only during online booking; Volaris has not issued a public explanation
• No Mexican federal aviation regulation requires age-based travel restrictions for healthy adults
• Volaris te Acompaña is the airline’s optional paid escort service for older travelers; it is separate from this restriction
• Passengers with cognitive or degenerative conditions are ineligible for the escort program
• Volaris flies from Mérida to Mexico City, Guadalajara, Monterrey, Tijuana, and other destinations; volaris.com

Sources: volaris.com; cms.volaris.com

The already underwhelming excitement surrounding the 2026 FIFA World Cup has taken a controversial turn for the Mexican national team. While fans eagerly await the summer tournament, questions have emerged regarding the official team jersey.

Reports indicate that indigenous women in Puebla, Mexico, were paid extremely low wages to hand-embroider the special edition Adidas jerseys. The story raises serious questions about fair labor practices in the supply chain of global sportswear giants.

The collaboration was presented as a cultural celebration. Adidas worked with the Mexican social enterprise Someone Somewhere to create a unique jersey for the World Cup. The campaign highlighted the work of more than 150 artisans from Naupan, located in the Sierra Norte of Puebla.

The project aimed to fuse traditional Mexican textile art with modern sportswear. These women were hired to hand-embroider specific details, including the national team’s crest and the Adidas logo. However, the reality behind the marketing campaign has turned the project into a major public relations crisis.

Low Wages and Lack of Social Security

The controversy was brought to light by cultural promoter Luz Valdez. She interviewed several artisans who worked on the Adidas project for the 2026 World Cup jersey. The testimonies reveal a stark contrast between the jersey’s retail price and the workers’ pay.

The official jersey sells for between 1,599 and 4,999 Mexican pesos, which is roughly 80 to 250 USD. According to the investigation, the women received between 25 and 40 pesos per hour. That equates to approximately one to two US dollars per hour.

One artisan stated she was paid 200 pesos for a minimum five-hour shift. Beyond the low wages, the women reported a lack of access to social security. The subcontracting company, Someone Somewhere, allegedly did not register the embroiderers with the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS).

Instead of formal registration, the company reportedly offered a remote private medical service. This was offered despite the presence of an IMSS medical unit just a few kilometers from their community.

Use of Public Spaces and Traditional Designs

The report also details unusual working conditions for the World Cup jersey production. The artisans were required to work inside a public building: the “Amochkali” House of Culture in Naupan. This public space was reportedly converted into a private maquila workshop.

According to the women interviewed, the workers had to clock in and out using electronic devices. Furthermore, local municipal authorities were denied access to the site due to “confidentiality” agreements.

Another layer of the controversy concerns the jersey’s cultural authenticity. While the marketing campaign celebrated Mexican textile traditions, the artisans claimed the required techniques were not their own. The women said they were taught modern stitches such as French knots and zigzag patterns to meet Adidas’ quality standards.

These techniques are not part of the traditional “hilo contado” or “pepenado” embroidery style native to the Sierra Norte region.

A History of Cultural Missteps for Adidas

This is not the first time the German sportswear giant has faced cultural backlash in Mexico. Just last year, Adidas was forced to apologize over the “Oaxaca Slip-On” sandals. Designed by an American, the sandals featured traditional Zapotec patterns without permission or compensation to local artisans.

That previous incident resulted in a legal dispute with the Oaxacan government. While Adidas eventually visited the community to make amends, critics argue the new World Cup jersey scandal shows a repeated pattern of labor exploitation.

The controversy also echoes other alleged instances of overstepping by corporations in their use of Indigenous imagery, as is the case with Xcaret in Quintana Roo and the traditional textile designs plagiarized by Spanish fast-fashion giant Zara.

The Response from Adidas and Someone Somewhere

Following the public outcry, the subcontracting company Someone Somewhere, sent a letter addressing the accusations. The company defended the payment scheme, stating that wages were above the minimum legal requirement. They also claimed that using the public cultural center was requested by the artisan collective itself.

However, they confirmed that the women were not registered with the IMSS. They argued this was because the workers did not want to lose access to a separate federal welfare program.

Adidas has not issued an official statement regarding the labor conditions behind the production of the official Mexico 2026 World Cup jersey.