Author: Carlos Rosado van der Gracht

  • Why This Adorable Argentine Parrot is Now Considered a Pest in Mexico

    Why This Adorable Argentine Parrot is Now Considered a Pest in Mexico

    Experts from universities, including UNAM and UADY, are warning about the presence of the Argentine Parrot (Myiopsitta monachus, also known as the monk parakeet) in large swaths of Mexico.

    While fascinating to observe, this non-native species is highly likely to become a pest, harming crops and damaging regional ecosystems. 

    During a presentation on the results of a year-long monitoring program, Dr. Vanessa Martínez García, the program coordinator, explained that this bird was introduced to Mexico as a pet and has spread rapidly across the country.

    The Argentine Parrot has already spread to Spain, the United States, Uruguay, and other countries. Authorities in several jurisdictions argue that they have been forced to exterminate the birds using shotguns, fumigation, and chemicals to manage their numbers.

    Instead of killing the birds, authorities in Mexico propose capturing the parrots. But support is needed from local, state, and national branches of government. 

    The plan has been well-received by various government environmental representatives. 

    Why the Argentine Parrot Is Such a Threat

    Problems with the Argentine Parrot begin when they are imported as pets. They are, after all, adorable and colorful birds. But it is also a brilliant and social species. This allows a disproportionate number of them to escape cages. 

    The Argentine Parrot is also highly adaptable and can thrive and breed in a wide range of geographic and weather conditions. Their populations tend to grow quickly, especially in urban environments, because there are few predators fast enough to catch them. 

    Another reason for their success is their unique nesting behavior. Unlike most parrots that nest in tree holes, Argentine Parrots build huge, bulky nests from sticks. They often make these nests on human structures, particularly on electrical utility poles and substations. A single nest can weigh over 200 pounds. These nests cause frequent power outages and can even ignite fires, leading to costly repairs and hazardous conditions for people.

    Their nesting and feeding habits also hurt local ecosystems and agriculture. A large flock of these parrots can strip a fruit tree or a farmer’s crop of corn or sunflower seeds very quickly. They compete directly with native birds, like bluebirds and woodpeckers, for nesting sites and food. Their vast, sturdy nests are so substantial that other, larger birds sometimes take them over, further pushing out native species.

    Furthermore, their colonies, called “parrot apartments,” can host dozens of pairs of birds. As the colony grows, they add more chambers to the nest structure. These large colonies create significant noise and droppings, which can be a nuisance in parks and neighborhoods. While some people enjoy seeing these colorful birds, the problems they cause are substantial.

    Mexico has 22 species of parrots. Of these, 11 are endangered, eight are considered threatened, and three are under special protection.

  • Volaris Announces 33 New Domestic and International Flights

    Volaris Announces 33 New Domestic and International Flights

    Volaris, one of Mexico’s leading low-cost airlines, has announced plans to launch 33 new domestic and international routes. This expansion will take effect in early June 2026, timed to meet the high travel demand expected during the summer season and the 2026 FIFA World Cup, which will be hosted in cities across North America.

    The airline’s strategy focuses on strengthening several key Mexican cities as important connection points within the country. The main hubs for this new phase of growth are Puebla, Querétaro, and Guadalajara, with San Luis Potosí also playing a significant role. As part of this move, Volaris will also begin service to four airports that are entirely new to its network.

    New Volaris Connections to the United States

    A primary goal of this expansion is to develop travel between Mexico and the United States. Volaris has built its reputation on serving this market, particularly the large community of travelers visiting friends and family and tourists seeking affordable fares. 

    From Puebla, the airline will introduce nonstop flights to Houston, Los Angeles, and New York via Newark Airport. Querétaro, a growing industrial center, will see its reach extended with new flights to five U.S. destinations: Dallas-Fort Worth, Denver, Houston, Orlando, and San Antonio. From its central base in Guadalajara, Volaris will add routes to Detroit and Salt Lake City. Additionally, San Luis Potosí will gain a new direct connection to Chicago.

    Within Mexico, Volaris aims to significantly improve connectivity between cities without requiring passengers to connect through the capital’s airport. This point-to-point model is a core part of the low-cost airline strategy, making travel more direct, faster, and often more affordable for domestic travelers. 

    Puebla will gain connections to nine Mexican destinations, including popular beach spots such as Huatulco, Ixtapa-Zihuatanejo, Los Cabos, and Puerto Vallarta, as well as cities such as Aguascalientes and Villahermosa. Querétaro will add flights to coastal destinations such as Acapulco, Mazatlán, and Veracruz, as well as to the cultural centers of Oaxaca and Durango. 

    From Guadalajara, new routes will link to Querétaro, Reynosa, San Luis Potosí, Saltillo, and Zacatecas. The network will also be enhanced with new links from San Luis Potosí to Monterrey and Puerto Vallarta, and from Aguascalientes to Puerto Vallarta.

    This large-scale growth follows the typical pattern of an ultra-low-cost carrier like Volaris. The airline is known for its disciplined cost management, which includes operating a single type of aircraft, the Airbus A320 family, and offering simple, unbundled fares where passengers pay only for the services they need, such as checked bags or seat selection. By announcing multiple new routes at once, the airline creates significant market excitement and attracts passengers seeking value and new direct options.

    Volaris has a history of such strategic expansions. In the past, it has successfully established key hubs in cities such as Guadalajara and Tijuana, transforming them into major international gateways. It has consistently identified high-demand routes among the Mexican diaspora in the United States, particularly in the southwestern and central states, and has offered competitive fares to stimulate travel. 

    The airline stated that this new set of routes reinforces its growth strategy and solidifies its presence in key markets. A company representative added that these new routes reflect Volaris’s commitment to strengthening connectivity from strategic states within Mexico.

  • Fewer than 3% of Mexicans Have Complied With Cumpulsory Cell Phone Registration

    Fewer than 3% of Mexicans Have Complied With Cumpulsory Cell Phone Registration

    In Mexico, a new law requires people to do something simple: register their cell phone numbers with the government. By linking every phone number to a real person’s official ID, authorities hope to cut down on crimes like extortion, kidnappings, and scams that often start with an anonymous call or message. 

    But as the June deadline approaches, just over 2% of cell phone owners in Mexico have registered. This fact reflects Mexican’s lack of trust in their government, or its ability to keep their data safe. 

    Recent history in Mexico provides compelling reasons for skepticism. Mexico has been rocked by a series of massive digital leaks and hacks that have exposed the government’s fragile grip on data security. 

    Sensitive information, from military documents and spyware contracts to the private details of patients in public hospitals and even the president’s own medical records, has spilled onto the internet. These are not minor breaches. They are failures that show how vulnerable state systems are. 

    When national social security and defense servers can be broken into, it is fair to wonder how a registry containing the names, IDs, and phone numbers of over 100 million citizens could be kept safe.

    The fear is specific and two-fold. First, there is the terror that this vast list could be stolen by criminal organizations themselves. A leaked registry would be a goldmine for cartels and extortion gangs, providing a verified directory of targets. It would hand them precisely what the law aims to prevent: a direct, confirmed line to millions of families. Second, there is a long-standing distrust of the government’s own use of such power and a proven lack of accountability demonstrated by a long history of data breaches.  

    Compounding these facts are two similar previous attempts to create similar registries, which the country’s Supreme Court struck down.

    The government’s campaign has focused on the benefits of registration, but it has done little to publicly address these very real and widespread concerns. There has been no transparent, convincing explanation of the fortress-like digital security that will guard this information. Without that, the official messages sound hollow.

    The result is a nationwide standoff. On one side, a government pushing a policy it believes will protect. On the other hand, the vast majority of Mexicans are refusing to participate, or at least hold on until the very last minute in hopes of a reprieve. 

    Previous Attempts And Why They Failed

    The first significant attempt came over a decade ago, when the idea was packaged under a similar crime-fighting banner. The law demanded that every cell phone user, even those with prepaid phones bought at corner stores, register their personal details with their carrier. The process was rolled out with advertisements and warnings of lines being cut. For a while, it seemed like the registry would become a permanent fact of life. But almost immediately, problems surfaced. People reported bureaucratic nightmares, confusing processes, and a pervasive anxiety about where their data would end up. More importantly, legal challenges began to mount.

    Similar legislation resurfaced in 2021 as a broader telecommunications reform. Once more, the requirement for complete registration appeared. And again, the public pushback and legal challenges followed the same path. The Supreme Court consistently reaffirmed its earlier stance, emphasizing that any invasion of privacy must be strictly necessary and narrowly tailored.

    Why This Time Will Likely Be Different

    Though the compulsory registration remains unpopular, political realities have changed. To begin, the Supreme Court, which is ultimately the only authority capable of reversing course at this point, has shown itself to be much more compliant with the executive’s wishes than in the past.

    Second, Mexico’s ruling party, MORENA, has a firmer grip on the telecommunications industry than any other previous government and is unlikely to back down easily. On the other hand, black-market SIM cards are already available. Ironically, most of these have already been registered using information on government officials obtained through data breaches. 

  • Mismanagement, Corruption, and Politics Keep Mexico’s CFE Power Grid Down

    Mismanagement, Corruption, and Politics Keep Mexico’s CFE Power Grid Down

    Families and businesses across Mexico face a frustrating and costly problem: the electricity grid is not reliable. Power outages, or “apagones,” happen often. Sometimes they last for just a few minutes, and sometimes for hours. 

    These blackouts are more than just an inconvenience. They disrupt daily life, force schools and hospitals to use expensive backup generators, and make it harder for Mexican companies to compete. The heart of this problem is the country’s national electrical grid, which is largely controlled by the state-owned company, the Federal Electricity Commission, or CFE.

    Aging CFE Infrastructure

    A big part of the issue is that much of Mexico’s power comes from old and tired infrastructure. Many of the CFE’s most important power plants run on fuel oil and diesel. Built decades ago, these plants are inefficient, expensive to operate, and fail frequently. When one of these large plants suddenly stops working, it creates a massive hole in the country’s power supply. The rest of the system has to strain to cover the loss, which can lead to cascading failures across many states.

    The problems continue beyond the power plants themselves. The vast network of cables, transformers, and substations that carry electricity from plants to cities and homes—known as the transmission and distribution network—has suffered from years of not enough investment. 

    To make matters worse, Mexico’s grid is highly centralized, meaning a serious fault in one region can quickly ripple across the country. There aren’t enough modern safeguards or alternative power pathways to isolate a problem and keep it from becoming a national blackout.

    In the face of this reality, the Mexican government and the CFE have launched a major effort to strengthen the grid. The central pillar of their strategy is a significant reinvestment in the CFE itself. The government’s policy is centered on “energy sovereignty,” the idea that Mexico should produce its own power without over-relying on foreign energy. While on paper, this path sounds optimal, it should be noted that Mexico has long been a net energy importer, with between 55% and 75% of its fuel coming from abroad. 

    In practical terms, this means the CFE is building new power plants, with a focus on modern natural gas plants that are more efficient and reliable than the old oil-burning ones. They are also spending billions of pesos to repair and upgrade the existing fleet of old plants to make them less prone to failures.

    But there is the fact that even with new, more efficient generators built to work on natural gas, several facilities like those recently refurbished in Mérida have not procured the infrastructure to fuel the plant.   

    Public Partnerships

    At the same time, the CFE is setting up new frameworks to work with private companies. A recent announcement laid out clear rules, called “Mixed Development Schemes,” for how the CFE can partner with private firms on specific energy projects. While the CFE will remain firmly in control, these partnerships are designed to bring in private investment and technical expertise to build new power generation more quickly. The goal is to combine public oversight with private efficiency.

    The problem with this scheme is that it places all of the risk on private investors, while the CFE sets the rules and can change pricing models with little to no notice.

    “In the end, the CFE holds all the cards, and we are not only responsible financially, but also legally. This is not what one would call a win-win,” said Manuel Gutierrez, Director of the Spanish energy firm Energía Pueblo Solar. 

    Corruption, the Elephant in the Room

    Corruption has long been a serious issue at the CFE. It typically involves complex schemes rather than simple theft, costing the public heavily. A common problem is with government contracts, where companies win lucrative deals by paying bribes to officials, not by being the best bidder. This leads to overpriced, poorly built, or delayed projects, which weakens the national grid and raises costs for everyone.

    The CFE has also often been used as a political tool. Leaders frequently award jobs and contracts to allies for political gain, not based on skill or need. Major decisions are influenced by politics, preventing the CFE from operating as an efficient, modern service provider. Fighting this deep-rooted corruption is seen as essential to building a reliable and affordable electricity system for Mexico.

    Another major form of corruption involves the powerful electrical workers’ union and company management. For years, there have been widespread reports of “ghost” employees—people on the payroll who do no actual work. This drains funds meant for critical maintenance and modernization, directly contributing to the grid’s frequent failures and blackouts.

  • Potential Merger of Viva and Volaris Faces Government Scrutiny

    Potential Merger of Viva and Volaris Faces Government Scrutiny

    The plan to merge Mexico’s two main low-cost airlines, Viva, formerly Viva Aerobus, and Volaris, is encountering a major regulatory hurdle. 

    While the companies announced the deal last December, promising more low-cost flights and better connectivity, experts warn that creating a single budget airline giant could harm competition. This concern is amplified by the significant consolidation of Mexico’s low-cost market in recent years.

    The current situation where Viva and Volaris dominate low-cost travel didn’t happen by accident. It followed the disappearance of other carriers that had once competed on many of the same routes. Notably, Interjet, a major hybrid carrier that offered many low-cost-style fares, ceased operations in 2020 due to severe financial difficulties. Before that, Aerocalifornia, which served many regional routes, also vanished from the skies. Their exits left Viva and Volaris as the primary players for budget-conscious travelers on numerous domestic and cross-border routes.

    This history is central to the current regulatory challenge. Juan Carlos Machorro, a partner at the legal consultancy Santamarina & Steta, explains that the proposed merger qualifies as a monopoly under Mexico’s competition law. 

    With the two airlines already controlling nearly 100% of the dedicated low-cost market, regulators are on high alert. “This would set off red flags for any antitrust authority in the world,” Machorro said. The concern is that consolidating two competitors into one could lead to higher fares and fewer choices for passengers.

    This kind of market consolidation is not unique to Mexico, and looking at how regulators in the United States and Europe have handled similar situations is informative. In the U.S., a wave of mergers over the past 15 years combined major carriers like Delta with Northwest, United with Continental, and American with US Airways. Regulators approved these but often required airlines to relinquish valuable takeoff and landing slots at congested airports such as New York and Washington, D.C., to other airlines to preserve some level of competition.

    In Europe, the attempted 2000s merger between budget giants Ryanair and Aer Lingus is a direct parallel. European Union regulators blocked the deal multiple times, arguing that it would create a monopoly across many routes to and from Ireland and significantly reduce consumer choice. The EU’s strict stance was a clear example of regulators prioritizing market competition over corporate growth.

    Now, the focus is on Mexico’s National Antitrust Commission. They must decide if the benefits of a stronger combined airline outweigh the risks of severely reduced competition. The decision is further complicated by international relations, specifically with the United States.

    Recently, the U.S. Department of Transportation took a tough stance, removing the antitrust immunity that allowed the commercial alliance between Mexico’s Aeromexico and the U.S.’s Delta Air Lines. The U.S. argued that competitive conditions in Mexico had worsened since the alliance was first approved. This action creates a difficult context for the Viva-Volaris merger. If Mexican regulators approve it with few conditions, it could be seen by U.S. authorities as another step in reducing competition in Mexico’s aviation market, potentially leading to further diplomatic friction.

    The CEOs of Viva and Volaris argue that their similar operations using Airbus A320 aircraft will create efficiencies and help democratize air travel in Mexico. However, the core issue is no longer just business logic. The merger’s fate now depends on a complex calculation by regulators who must consider a shrunken market, international precedent, and the warning from recent U.S. actions. 

    The coming months will reveal whether the desire for a larger national champion prevails, or whether concerns about competition and consumer prices ground the deal.